In an interview with the liberal Islamic Zaman newspaper on the eve of the resolution's approval Oct. 10 by the U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan said he told American Jewish leaders that a genocide bill would strengthen the public perception in Turkey that "Armenian and Jewish lobbies unite forces against Turks."
Babacan added, "We have told them that we cannot explain it to the public in Turkey if a road accident happens. We have told them that we cannot keep the Jewish people out of this."
The Turkish public seems to have absorbed that message.
An online survey by Zaman's English-language edition asking why Turks believed the bill succeeded showed that 22 percent of respondents had chosen "Jews' having legitimized the genocide claims" -- second only to "Turkey's negligence."
U.S. Jewish community leaders reject that argument and privately say Ankara has only itself to blame for its failure to muster the support necessary to derail passage of the Armenian genocide resolution, which in Turkey is seen as anti-Turkish.
Lingering resentment remains in Washington over the Turkish Parliament's failure to approve a March 2003 motion to allow U.S. troops to use Turkish soil as a staging ground for an invasion of Iraq.
And an official visit to Ankara in early 2006 by Hamas leader Khaled Mashal angered many of Israel's supporters on Capitol Hill, who have been among Turkey's most vocal proponents as part of a strategy of developing strong ties between Turkey and Israel.
"The Hamas thing was really serious," said an official from a large Jewish organization who asked to remain anonymous because of the sensitivity of the issue. "There is less sympathy for Turkey because of what some see as an anti-American, anti-Israel, anti-Jewish policy that is there."
"I think there's a sense on the Hill that Turkey is less of an ally. There is a sense that it's a different Turkey," the official said.
Soner Cagaptay, coordinator of the Turkish research program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, echoes that thinking.
"The lingering effects of 2003 resonate," Cagaptay said. "Some people are still angry with Turkey."
Observers in Turkey say the public perception of the Jews' outsized role in the resolution's passage is based on an element of fact mixed with a greater amount of fiction.
In August, the Jewish-run Anti-Defamation League (ADL), facing pressure from grass-roots activists, reversed its long-held policy of not recognizing the Armenian genocide when ADL National Director Abraham Foxman declared that what happened to the Armenians was "indeed tantamount to genocide."
But Foxman maintained the ADL's position opposing a congressional resolution on the matter. Such a resolution would strain U.S.-Turkey ties and jeopardize ties between Israel and Turkey, Israel's main Middle Eastern ally.
Nevertheless, in Turkey the ADL's reversal was seen as a major blow to the country's diplomatic and public-relations campaign against Armenian efforts to get a genocide resolution passed in Washington.
The House bill passed the committee by a 27-21 vote, with seven of the committee's eight Jewish members voting in favor of Resolution 106. The full House of Representatives has yet to vote on the resolution.
Yet despite the vote, U.S. Jewish groups said they lobbied against the bill -- just as they have done in the past.
"Behind-the-scenes support [from U.S. Jewish groups] has been quite powerful" in persuading congressmen to oppose the bill, said the Washington Institute's Cagaptay. It may yet help prevent the bill from being brought to a vote in the full House.
Turkish Jewish community leaders declined to be interviewed for this story, but Turkey's Jewish leaders published a full-page advertisement in the Washington Times on the day of the vote voicing their opposition to the House bill.
Historically, Jews both in Turkey and the United States have been strong opponents of a congressional resolution on Armenian genocide.
"There is a trilateral relationship, which is Turkey, Israel and the American Jews," Cagaptay said. "The relationship is about good ties between Turkey and Israel, and good ties between Turkey and the American Jewish community, which makes up for the fact that Turkey has not had, historically, a strong presence on the Hill."