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The Jews and Iraq

Ask any rabbi or community relations professional; in Jewish communities across the nation, there is support for the Bush administration\'s Iraq policy laced with healthy doses of skepticism and outright opposition -- the whole range of reactions of a worried nation.
[additional-authors]
February 13, 2003

Pollsters didn’t survey American Jews after last week’s
dramatic United Nations speech by Secretary of State Colin Powell, but if they
did the results would probably show that the community is on the same
wavelength as a confused, anxious American public.

Ask any rabbi or community relations professional; in Jewish
communities across the nation, there is support for the Bush administration’s Iraq
policy laced with healthy doses of skepticism and outright opposition — the
whole range of reactions of a worried nation.

That refutes an article of faith of the anti-war Left — that
American Jewish concerns about Israel, and pressure from the right-wing
government in Jerusalem, are critical factors in propelling America to a new
Gulf War.

That theory is wrong on several counts.

Despite the prominence of several Jewish defense hawks in
the administration, no reputable analyst believes Israel’s views, or a U.S.
desire to protect the Jewish State, are significant factors in the Bush administration’s
single-minded focus on Iraq. President Bush’s determination to press ahead with
the military option has nothing to do with his friend in Jerusalem, Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon.

Most Israelis would like to see the Iraqi threat
neutralized, but their enthusiasm for a U.S. attack is tempered by memories of
the Scud attacks in 1991, and the knowledge that this time around, Saddam could
lash out with much deadlier weapons, especially if he is wounded, but not
removed.

And many Israelis doubt the sweeping Mideast vision of the
administration officials who predict a tidal wave of moderation across the Arab
and Islamic worlds if the Iraqi dictator is sent packing. As the U.S.
experience in Afghanistan has shown, a successful military campaign does not
necessarily translate into successful nation and democracy building.

In this country, most Jewish leaders have quietly signaled
support for the administration’s tough stance. But even at the height of last
year’s debate over a congressional resolution authorizing the use of force,
only a small handful actually weighed in on Capitol Hill. Jewish leaders, wary
of a potential backlash and facing a community that is far from unified on the
war issue, have kept a very low profile as war preparations mount.

Out in the communities, the watchword is “ambivalence.”

As usual, there is a wide gap between dedicated pro-Israel
activists, who tend to put Israel first in their list of policy concerns, and
the majority of Jews who care deeply about Israel, but tend to view public
policy through a wider lens.

Among the latter group, there is understanding of the need
to fight terrorism, concern about Iraq’s threat to Israel, but also skepticism
about the administration’s motives.

According to a recent American Jewish Committee survey, 59
percent of American Jews approve of U.S. military action against Iraq — about
the same as the support from the American public at large — with 36 percent
opposed.

More than half of the Jews surveyed — 56 percent — worry
that a war between America and Iraq is “likely to lead to larger war involving
other countries in the Middle East.” 62 percent believe the threat of
terrorism against the U.S. will increase if the United States takes military
action against Iraq.

The survey also showed that while a majority of Jews still
approve of the way President Bush is handling the anti-terror war, the
proportion has dropped steeply from the overwhelming approval ratings in the
days after Sept. 11.

Again, Jews seem right in the uncertain American mainstream.

Jews remain one of the most liberal groups in American life;
not surprisingly, liberal Jews are already a significant presence in the
growing anti-war movement, despite the presence of vehemently anti-Israel and
even anti-Semitic forces in that movement.

Even some Jewish hawks say Bush has not made the case about
why Iraq can only be dealt with by massive military action, while diplomacy is
the preferred approach to North Korea — a nation that already has nuclear
weapons and which has demonstrated an unparalleled recklessness in selling
weapons to Mideast bad guys.

There may be good reasons for the disparity, but to many
Americans — Jews and non-Jews — the president has not made a persuasive case.

Big Jewish organizations generally support the president,
albeit quietly, because of their focus on Israel, but many rank-and-file Jews
see more pressing emergencies at home, where a sinking economy seems to
threaten the middle class way of life.

Last week’s terror alert warning of possible Al Qaeda
attacks against Jewish institutions and businesses may increase that
skepticism; why is the administration so determined to engage Iraq when Al
Qaeda is probably readying new attacks on American citizens?

Anti-war activists who see Jewish and Israeli pro-war
conspiracies are far off the mark.

It is true that some of the loudest and most prominent
advocates of war in the administration are prominent Jews. But the community
itself mirrors all the concerns and doubts that make war with Iraq a high
stakes political, as well as military, gamble for President Bush.

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