Yasser Arafat planned the second intifada, his widow said in a television interview.
Is Ehud Barak a calculating political survivor or a military man who, in his own words, “never had any special desire” for political life? Will he be remembered as a warrior or as a seeker of peace? And what will he do next?
Forensic experts took samples from the body of former Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat's uncovered corpse in the West Bank on Tuesday, trying to determine if he was murdered with the hard-to-trace radioactive poison, Polonium.
French prosecutors have opened a murder inquiry into the death of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat.
Suha Arafat, the widow of Palestinian Authority head Yasser Arafat, will file a legal complaint regarding her husband's unexplained death.
Traces of the poisonous element polonium have been found in the belongings of late Palestinian President Yasser Arafat, a Swiss institute said on Wednesday, and a television report said his widow had demanded his body be exhumed for further tests.
Mahmoud Abbas told thousands of Palestinians gathered for a Yasser Arafat memorial that "The Palestinian state will arise when it is cleared of settlements."
Before year's end, a U.S.-sponsored conference involving Israel and the Palestinian Authority will convene in Annapolis, Md., to frame yet another plan to end the Arab-Israeli war and create a Palestinian state. Sadly, this conference has as much chance of succeeding as did Oslo, because the same mistakes that ensured failure then are being made now.
The scion of an aristocratic Jerusalem family, Nusseibeh traces his roots back 1,300 years to one of the tribal leaders who joined Mohammad on his seventh century pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
Obituary for crusading Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci.
We could have been in the fifth year of an independent Palestinian state if Yasser Arafat had been willing to make a deal with Bill Clinton and Ehud Barak; instead we are we where we are.
A year after Yasser Arafat's death, Palestinians are developing a new myth around their historic leader: Arafat did not die from natural causes but was murdered, most likely by Israel.
Now an Israeli Arab politician has joined the conspiracy bandwagon.
Your first bit of post-Gaza required reading should be "How Arafat Destroyed Palestine," by David Samuels, the cover story in the September issue of The Atlantic.
We can't speak for our entire congregation, but Rabbi Karen Deitch's article ("SWF Rabbi," April 1) did not embarrass us (Letters, April 29). We invite you to attend one of our erev Shabbat services when Deitch is officiating.
Standing in the Muqata, Yasser Arafat's compound in Ramallah, on his funeral day made me believe that we Palestinians must overcome a hurdle if we are to move forward.
Our youth face uncertainty, our people feel lost and beaten and our elders are sad to think that their children and grandchildren will share their same destiny -- never to live in peace in an independent Palestinian state.
Yasser, it's not like we hardly knew ye. We knew ye all too well.
I should have known better than to forward an e-mail recommending a boycott of French products for France's anti-Israel stance and willingness to tend to Yasser Arafat on his deathbed.
With Yasser Arafat's burial, he took with him one of the enduring secrets of the Palestinian regime -- the whereabouts of a missing fortune in ill-gotten public funds.
I have a mere two degrees of separation from Yasser Arafat. Down the street from the Arc de Triomphe in Paris is a little hair salon where I get my hair cut.
Israeli officials are quietly confident that if Yasser Arafat's health forces him to leave office, new chances for Israeli-Palestinian accommodation will open up.
When Israeli authorities chose to put Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti on trial in a criminal court, rather than a military court, prosecutors may have set the stage for an even bigger prize: Yasser Arafat.
That possibility was given a boost last week with Barghouti's conviction on five counts of murder for Israelis killed in three separate shooting ambushes conducted by the Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade in 2001 and 2002.
As part of the war on terror, it's time for the United States to move its embassy to Jerusalem and effectively end the dispute over Israel's capital. More than three years ago, Yasser Arafat branded the Palestinian Authority's terror campaign against Israel the "Al Aqsa Intifada."
A Syrian-led draft resolution condemning Israel is not getting support at the U.N. Security Council. Syria has been unable to convince Security Council members to vote on the resolution.
In September 1982, an Israeli sniper in Beirut had Yasser Arafat's head in his gunsights, and he waited for an order from Ariel Sharon, who in turn was awaiting word from Jerusalem: Kill him or set him free?
Sharon, then defense minister, soon got the order from Prime Minister Menachem Begin: Let Arafat board the boat evacuating the PLO leadership from Beirut.
More than 20 years later, Arafat is once again in Israeli sights, only this time Sharon is in Jerusalem calling the shots.
Leaders of the world have called him irrelevant, and indeed he has been largely replaced in world affairs.
With the Mideast "road map" inching forward and a new Palestinian leadership gaining traction both at home and in Washington, Jewish leaders here -- with the usual exceptions -- are ready to give peace a chance.
Fifty-five years is not a very long time in historical terms, especially when talking about a people who have been around for thousands of years.
But the balance sheet of those 55 years has certainly been impressive.
We live in an age of anxiety -- to put it extremely mildly.
By the time you read these words, Iraq might be in flames, Saddam Hussein (or
at least one or two of his doubles) may be history -- or on the other hand,
The bombs that ripped through crowds of Israelis and foreign workers in Tel Aviv this weekend may have saved Yasser Arafat from making some tough decisions.
Internal and external pressures have been building on Arafat to allow comprehensive reforms of the Palestinian Authority -- reforms that effectively would undermine the PA president's grip on power.
But after Sunday's deadly attack by the Al-Aksa Brigade, a terrorist group from Arafat's own Fatah movement, Israel refused to allow Palestinian officials to attend a conference on PA reform in London or congregate in Ramallah to consider a draft of a Palestinian constitution.
Israeli Foreign Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Monday that there is no need for Palestinian officials to travel abroad to conferences when they have the power at home to end terrorist attacks, but don't use it.
Unintentionally, however, the Israeli moves may have allowed Arafat to dodge a political bullet, at least temporarily.
This week's suicide bombing in Tel Aviv has made terror even more of a central issue in Israel's upcoming election -- and highlighted the major parties' different prescriptions for ending the violence.
Those inclined to look on the bright side might say that Israeli-Palestinian cooperation is alive and kicking: Israelis and Palestinians allegedly joined ranks to make big money, until one of them woke up with a bad conscience.
The joint venture in question began in February 1997, when Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat transferred official Palestinian Authority funds from the Arab Bank in Ramallah to private accounts in Swiss banks. The money was Palestinian, mostly customs and levies on products imported into the Palestinian Authority via Israel.
The Palestinian people are being betrayed and misled by the one "trusted leader" who is responsible for protecting their interests. Yasser Arafat chairman of the Palestinian Authority, has diverted funds allocated specifically for humanitarian aid purposes directly into his own pocket.
Since the intifada began, Israeli officials have declared Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat "irrelevant," a "terrorist," an "enemy" and a "pathological liar."
Arab spokesmen regularly complain about what they call "the Israeli occupation" of the Judea-Samaria-Gaza territories. But the truth is that there is no such "Israeli occupation." To begin with, nearly all Palestinian Arabs currently live under Yasser Arafat's rule, not Israel's. Following the signing of the Oslo accords, the Israelis withdrew from nearly half of the territories, including the cities where 98.5 percent of Palestinian Arabs reside. The notion that the Palestinian Arabs are living under Israeli occupation is false. The areas from which Israel has not withdrawn are virtually uninhabited, except for the two percent where Israelis reside.
Any attempt to resolve the crisis in the Middle East forces us -- the American people and American Jewry -- to appraise the motives and the ultimate goals of the leaders involved. Endless disputes have raged over whether Yasser Arafat and the other Arab leaders merely seek a Palestinian state living peacefully alongside Israel or whether they continue to harbor the ultimate goal of exterminating what they once derided as the "Zionist entity." But just as important, perhaps even more so, is reaching an understanding of the true goals of Israel's current Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and his close associates. They -- even more than their Arab opponents -- hold the fate of the Israeli people in their hands.
Letters to the Editor
The message was loud and clear: Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat, with terrorist backing by Iran and Iraq, was considered no less a monster than Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Ladin. That was the message backed by thousands of Southland residents who lined Wilshire Boulevard in Westwood with signs, balloons and Israeli and American flags last Sunday to show their support for the state of Israel and their disgust with the escalation of Arab-backed terrorism that has taken scores of innocent civilian lives since the second Intifada began in the fall of 2000.
Last week, as a Palestinian terrorist murdered 22 Israelis sitting down to their Passover seder, the Al Aqsa Martyr's Brigade became the first group affiliated with Yasser Arafat's Fatah movement to be added to the U.S. list of Foreign Terrorist Organization since the United States normalized relations with the Palestinian Liberation Organization after the signing of the Oslo accords in 1993.
Composed of Arafat loyalists, funded by Fatah through the Tanzim militias, and assisted in coordination of their attacks by members of Arafat's Force 17 security services, the Al Aqsa Martyr's Brigade has dramatically outpaced Islamic extremist organizations like Hamas and Islamic Jihad in attacks on Israelis.
Suppose for a second that Israel strikes a cease-fire deal with Yasser Arafat. Would the Palestinian Authority president be able to deliver? Arafat himself may not know for sure, as the extent of control he retains over the many military factions he has created or allowed to flourish in his territory is unclear.
When Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser swept into Khartoum for an Arab summit less than three months after the Arab debacle in the 1967 Six-Day War, he was greeted like a hero.
Newsweek ran a cover story titled, "Hail to the Conquered!" The summit passed the notorious "three no's" defining future relations with Israel: No negotiations, no recognition and no peace.
In July the following year, Nasser took a young Yasser Arafat, traveling on an Egyptian passport under the name of Muhsin Amin, with him to Moscow on an arms shopping spree.
Jews in more than 100 communities across the nation gathered on Sunday, March 24, to show their support for Israel -- a welcome, if hastily organized, expression of solidarity as the Jewish state faces continuing terrorism and an increasingly treacherous diplomatic climate.
I heard you had a great trip to Saudi Arabia. In the privacy of their homes people removed their veils and expressed their true feelings. Even the crown prince, the guy who really runs Saudi Arabia, spent some time with you.
The Bush administration, reeling from a week of explosive developments on the troubled Israeli-Palestinian front, is reexamining even its limited efforts to win a cease-fire in the 16-month-old intifada.
That reassessment -- that resulted in this week's indefinite postponement of a new Mideast mission by U.S. special envoy Anthony Zinni -- comes as officials here and in Jerusalem digest disturbing revelations about Yasser Arafat's involvement in a recent arms smuggling scheme and his deepening involvement with Iran.
On Sunday, with crews still collecting body parts and shredded flesh after three horrific explosions in Israel, Secretary of State Colin Powell said it is the "moment of truth" for Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat.
The recent resurgence in anti-Israel terror brings the issue of international support for Yasser Arafat's Palestinian Authority to the fore.
Yasser Arafat has a dilemma. He can't decide whether he wants to be the father of his country or the godfather of terrorism.
President George W. Bush gave Arafat a chance to answer that question before the whole world last weekend at the United Nations, and the Palestinian leader blew it.
Israeli officials were stunned by Monday's stern State Department rebuke over Israel's stepped-up military effort against the Palestinian Authority. And the fact they were surprised hints of deeper trouble to come along the U.S.-Israel axis.
Israelis voted Ehud Barak into office as prime minister because he promised to bring them peace. He failed, in large part because his negotiating partner Yasser Arafat was unwilling to make the difficult choices peace demands. Israelis then voted Ariel Sharon into the prime minister's office hoping that, if Barak couldn't bring peace, at least Sharon could bring security. He failed, too. In a Gallup poll published in Ma'ariv newspaper this month, only 21 percent of the Israelis said they believed Sharon could end the violence. A month earlier, the number of believers was twice as high.
Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres is set to meet with Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat in Berlin next week under the aegis of the German government. Peres has proposed a "gradual" or phased cease-fire. In a plan presented to U.S. envoy to the Middle East, David Satterfield, and the U.S. ambassador to Israel, Daniel Kurtzer, Peres called for a staggered cease-fire in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, according to Ha'aretz. The plan would divide the West Bank and Gaza , and the Palestinians and Israelis would restore calm separately in each area until a total cease-fire is reached.
Two of the keenest American academic minds on the politics of the Middle East -- one Jewish, the other Arab -- debated the present and future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Monday evening, and reached agreement on at least three points.
The Bush administration, determined to scale back U.S. Mideast involvement, is being drawn into the seething center of the conflict as Israeli-Palestinian confrontations rage.
But President George W. Bush and his foreign policy team, anxious to avoid the overinvolvement of their predecessors, are carefully calibrating their Mideast policies and pronouncements. The goal, according to sources here, is to make better use of the bully pulpit in Washington, while steering clear of day-to-day mediation.
The intifada took a fateful stride from popular uprising toward war this week with news that the Palestinians are stockpiling longer-range, more lethal weapons that could threaten Ashkelon and Tel Aviv, as well as paralyzing flights from Ben-Gurion International Airport.
Israeli patrol boats, backed by spotter planes and helicopters, intercepted a Lebanese boat smuggling Katyusha surface-to-surface rockets, shoulder-launched Strella anti-aircraft missiles, and an arsenal of shells, mortars, anti-tank grenades and land mines from northern Lebanon to Gaza.
Bill Clinton is wasting his time. The chances of a meaningful Israeli-Palestinian deal before he hands over the presidency to George W. Bush on Jan. 20 are negligible.
President Clinton's 11th-hour efforts to salvage the peace process may be too little, too late for many Israelis.
"You can't afford to sign up to a peace agreement that is all one-sided, meaning Israel takes all the risks," observed retired U.S. Admiral Leon A. Edney to small groups of Jewish leaders in Beverly Hills last week. "We need to find a way to live in peace with the Arab world, but it's not done with appeasement."
So now what? Does Israel dig in and prepare itself for a state of escalating, interminable siege? Does it try to get back to the negotiating table with Yasser Arafat? Does it do both?
Uri Savir may not have won a Nobel Peace Prize, but far more than the three national leaders who did, he is Mr. Oslo. For three long months in 1993, the then director-general of the Israeli Foreign Ministry sat secretly in the Norwegian capital and hammered out an agreement with the Palestine Liberation Organization that kindled hopes of an end to a century of belligerence.
There is a sense at this moment that "time has stopped." That all political voices have become silent, in Israel no less than in the United States, while Messrs. Arafat, Barak and Clinton struggle over language, issues and principles in an effort to reach a peace agreement.