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Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak said Israel should consider a unilateral withdrawal from the West Bank if peace talks with the Palestinians fail.
Iraqis fretted about the ability of their armed forces to protect them from violence after U.S. President Barack Obama said on Friday all U.S. troops would withdraw by the end of the year.
This is not just a Jewish phenomenon, though a few thousand years of expecting to be scapegoated, persecuted, exiled or killed certainly contributes to the melancholic gene Jews are known for carrying, the optimism of a Ben-Gurion or Sandy Koufax notwithstanding.
It's been nearly two and a half years since the president gave a triumphant speech about Iraq before a banner declaring, "Mission Accomplished."
At the Mercedes-Benz Cup doubles final last Sunday at UCLA, the clumps of Israelis in the grandstands waved their blue-and-white flags between points and yelled out encouragement in Hebrew. They were cheering on the team of Yoni Erlich and Andy Ram, who had reached the finals by defeating the top-seeded team in the world, Americans Bob and Mike Bryan.
At one point a woman began chanting, "Yisrael! Yisrael!" and a few others joined in, but mostly people just clapped and smiled, thrilled that their country could put such a team on center court.
More than 500 demonstrators, mostly Orthodox Jews, gathered in front of the Israeli consulate in Los Angeles last weekend to oppose Israel's planned, upcoming pullout of settlers from Gaza.
With the planned Israeli withdrawal from Gaza less than three weeks away, right-wing leaders say they haven't yet given up hope of preventing it.
The withdrawal of Israeli settlements and settlers from the Gaza Strip will dominate the Jewish summer.
The mid-August Israeli pullout from Gaza is fraught with risks and unknowns, but the Israeli government remains committed to "unilateral disengagement," says Daniel Ayalon, Israel's ambassador to the United States.
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon conceived the withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and northern West Bank as a unilateral step, but it's increasingly being coordinated by Israeli and Palestinian negotiators.
Five years after Israel completed its withdrawal from Lebanon, the jury is still out on whether then-Prime Minister Ehud Barak made the right strategic choice in pulling back troops without an agreement with Lebanon and Syria.
Forever the rebel with a cause, Soviet-refusenik-turned-democracy-proponent Natan Sharansky has left the Israeli government rather than take part in the withdrawal from the Gaza Strip.
>It was a balmy spring evening, and the Jewish elite of Los Angeles had gathered in Beverly Hills to hear two U.S. senators provide a top-level briefing on Israel and the Middle East. The dinner at the Beverly Hilton was hosted by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), the nation’s pre-eminent pro-Israel lobby, and it was a record-setter, with 1,100 in attendance, checkbooks in hand.
The appointment of new commanders to lead a reformed Palestinian Authority security force would seem to be a step toward meeting one of the Palestinian Authority’s key obligations under the “road map” peace plan.
Many of the major Jewish religious streams, lobbying groups and civil rights groups are encouraging the Bush administration, lawmakers and opinion makers to maintain political support for Israel's July 20 withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and four West Bank settlements.
As plans for Israel's withdrawal from Gaza and part of the West Bank intensify, its opponents are banking on one last throw of the parliamentary dice: Knesset rejection of the 2005 state budget.
If the budget is not passed by March 31, the government will fall, there will be new elections and disengagement will be deferred -- perhaps even shelved.
After a string of embarrassing defeats in his own party, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's victory in the election of key Likud officers raises the chances that he will be able to broaden his government and push through a promised withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza Strip -- though it's still not certain.
Tuesday, Oct. 26 may well go down as one of the more important, and bizarre, dates in the annals of Israeli politics.
In the debate over a possible Israeli withdrawal from Gaza -- 80 percent of which was already surrendered by Israel in 1994 according to the Gaza-Jericho First policy -- little has been said about Gaza's Jewish roots.
In the debate over a possible Israeli withdrawal from Gaza -- 80 percent of which was already surrendered by Israel in 1994 according to the Gaza-Jericho First policy -- little has been said about Gaza's Jewish roots.
In the debate over a possible Israeli withdrawal from Gaza -- 80 percent of which was already surrendered by Israel in 1994 according to the Gaza-Jericho First policy -- little has been said about Gaza's Jewish roots.
No evacuation is scheduled to take place until next year, but the mood on both sides already is tense.
Now that Ariel Sharon has persuaded just about everyone -- the Bush administration, its European and Arab allies and Sharon's own contentious Cabinet -- that it's time for Israel to leave the Gaza Strip, he needs to fill in the details.
On the international front, the Israeli prime minister has weathered scathing criticism of Israel's latest military operation in the Gaza Strip, which left more than 40 Palestinians dead and dozens of homes demolished in the Rafah refugee camp.
At home, a rebellion is gathering steam in Sharon's Likud Party by opponents of the planned withdrawal from Gaza and parts of the West Bank.
"You have tears in your eyes at one moment; you are angry the next -- the emotional swing is enormous," said Michael Tuchin, a Los Angeles lawyer who was in Washington, D.C., this week for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) annual conference. "
After what it sees as President Bush's tilt toward Israel, the European Union is indicating that it wants to play a larger role in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict -- with an eye toward promoting Palestinian interests.
The targeted killing of Hamas founder Ahmad Yassin and the "open season" that Israel has declared against Hamas leaders and those of other Palestinian terrorist organizations must be viewed as part of a larger Israeli policy designed to achieve a number of objectives.
No one believes Israel is a safer place just after the assassination of Sheik Ahmad Yassin, leader of the terrorist group Hamas.
The question is whether the assassination and continued Israeli pressure on Hamas will contribute to stability over time.
If Israel withdraws from the area, the PA will be able to establish a sovereign state. It will become much, much harder for Israel to prevent the continual smuggling of weapons from Egypt to Gaza or the arrival of boatloads of weapons via the Mediterranean Sea.
American public support for Israel has declined slightly over the past year. In its annual "favorability of nations" poll Feb. 9-12, Gallup found that 59 percent of Americans hold a favorable view of Israel to various degrees, versus 35 percent unfavorable, with 6 percent having no opinion.
Regardless of his true intentions, Sharon, by marking most of the Gaza Strip for evacuation, has almost completely given up on meaningful Israeli-Palestinian negotiations in the near future. There is a small chance that negotiations may still occur, precluding Sharon's withdrawal from occurring in a vacuum. However, if Israel chooses to navigate the risky path of unilateralism, America's goal should be to encourage a safe and secure outcome through hands-on engagement.
Attacks on Israel are escalating again. With another deadly suicide bombing in the heart of Jerusalem, the race to thwart the infiltration of terrorists is up against yet another rush: to condemn Israel at the United Nations.
In a single passionate interview recently, Ehud Olmert, Israel's deputy prime minister, managed to do what most politicians only dream about -- recast a nation's political and diplomatic agenda.
Israel launched a string of targeted strikes against terrorist leaders, warning that it would no longer distinguish between political and military echelons of any organization waging terror, including Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat's Fatah movement.
Only 26 percent of Americans believe the Saudi peace initiative is sincere, according to a new poll of more than 1,000 Americans. Thirty-one percent believe the Saudis launched the initiative to improve their image in the United States. Sixty-two percent of respondents believe the Saudis are not ready to accept Israel's right to exist.
The plan calls for the Arab world to make peace with Israel in return for a withdrawal from all lands Israel captured in the 1967 Six-Day War. The survey, commissioned by the Institute for Jewish & Community Research, has a margin of error of 3 percent.
Israel is downplaying threats that it will suffer cross-border attacks once it withdraws its troops from southern Lebanon.
Ever since the Cabinet approved the withdrawal a month ago, there has been speculation that Hezbollah gunmen would attack communities in northern Israel.
This week there was a new threat, issued by Lebanon's defense minister, that Syria would send its army into southern Lebanon if Israel withdraws from the area.
Ehud Barak is going to have a hard time persuading the Israeli voters to endorse any deal with Syria that entails a withdrawal from most or all of the Golan Heights. The public is drifting away from the prime minister. So far.
Israel's ratification of the Wye agreement, calling for another 13-percent West Bank withdrawal in return for Palestinian security measures, was completed on Tuesday night when the Knesset endorsed the American-brokered deal by a vote of 75 to 19, with nine abstentions.
Anger over the stalled Mideast peace process has clearlycontributed to Arab states' reluctance to help the United Statesdeter Saddam Hussein. That is one reason the United States is nowpressing Israel for a serious and credible plan for withdrawing fromthe West Bank, it has been widely reported. Yet the Israeligovernment and some hard-line American supporters not only mistakenlydeny the connection between the peace process and the maintenance ofan effective anti-Saddam coalition, but they also neglect the factthat such a coalition is in Israel's vital interests.
Binyamin Netanyahu has made peace, for the time being, with his own disaffected coalition by offering the Palestinians a further West Bank withdrawal that is vague, qualified and conditional. But in the atmosphere of distrust generated by the Israeli prime minister, few are convinced that he has advanced the prospects of a wider peace.