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August 15, 2008 | 4:09 pm

Wait a minute: I thought the greatest threat to the American way of life was Saddam Hussein? OK, he’s dead.
Then the greatest threat must be leaving Iraq. But now President Bush seems ready to adopt Barack Obama’s withdrawal timetable. Hold it, it’s Iran. We have to be ready to fight them right now.
And isn’t “global militant Islam” the greatest threat ever? Aren’t there new Hitlers everywhere?
Hold on...it’s actually Russia. It’s a new cold war. The Russian attack on Georgia, following Georgia’s incursion into its disputed provinces means that now Russia is our mortal enemy again. Now Putin is Hitler. But how can there be so many Hitlers?
I lived through the Cold War. There was a lot happening, and there were nuclear air raid drills. But we had one major adversary and a few minor ones at a time. What’s this constant collection of new and improved enemies and battlefronts all about? And my parents lived through the nightmare that was Hitler. Every conflict in the world is not like Hitler taking Czechoslovakia.
I think the explanation for all this lies in the 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall, and what it did to the Republican party. The Cold War took Republicans from the margins during the New Deal to dominance of national politics. Democrats were “soft on communism,” said Republicans from Nixon to Reagan. But with the Cold War won, Republicans were adrift and divided into two camps that emerged clearly at the end of the first Gulf War in 1991.
America was on top of the world, with the Soviets in collapse. How should we act in a unipolar world? The first President Bush saw our role as global networker in “a new world order,” with the occasional responsibility to punish bad behavior. His Rolodex kept him in constant touch with world leaders, and he built a massive coalition to push Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait. Bush believed that victory in the Gulf War in 1991 would ensure electoral victory in 1992, but the fading economy foiled that plan. Democrats were largely on the sidelines of the debate among Republicans, and if anything were sympathetic to Bush’s view of America’s role.
The endgame in Kuwait opened up a rift among Republicans as a group of self-styled intellectuals and government officials began to see a different role for America: undisputed world dominance and adversary of any nation-state that would threaten America’s role. Some served under Bush, like Don Rumsfeld, and urged him to chase Saddam back to Baghdad and change the regime. Others created the Project for a New American Century, a think tank devoted to spreading American power and ideas.
When Bush, Jr. took office in 2001, these neo-conservatives (neo-cons) saw their chance. They found their way to Bush’s inner circle through vice president Dick Cheney. Bush, Sr. had blundered by thinking that Cheney would be a force for moderation in his son’s administration. Instead Cheney turned out to be among the wildest of the neo-cons, determined to reverse Bush, Sr’s philosophy. September 11, 2001 gave them an opening. The 2004 election proved to them that their plan to mobilize for war could bring about an electoral victory that had eluded the elder Bush.
The September 11 attacks immediately turned into the long-awaited and in their view uncompleted war against Iraq, even if evidence had to be faked and hysteria stoked. Colin Powell, whose heart was with the senior Bush, ended up getting used by Bush junior to make a bogus case about weapons of mass destruction and has undoubtedly never forgiven him. Meanwhile, the half-baked but appealing idea of a worldwide Islamic conspiracy against America’s values gave some coherence to a philosophy of global belligerence that shocked the people who had served Bush pere. The neo-cons were creating nothing less than a warfare state, embroiled in constant conflict and alienated from our own allies. After all, if we are going to run the world exactly as we please, whom can we really trust? This of course is the problem of all bullies.
But the Iraq war turned out to be a disaster, and has nearly destroyed the Republican party’s electoral prospects. So Iran took its place as the next enemy. No sooner had Iran gotten our attention, though, than we ended up facing off with Russia. What accounts for all this lunacy is that the particular enemies don’t matter to the neo-cons; what matters is the global dominance. Anybody could be the enemy tomorrow. What makes this most disturbing is that in the real world we actually do have some serious adversaries. They are not just rotating cartoon characters.
The Republican division continues. Near the end of his catastrophic presidency, Bush has suddenly become more like his father, favoring diplomacy with North Korea and moving to get out of Iraq. Defense Secretary Gates is in the same camp, warning against war with Iran. Powell is rumored to be thinking of endorsing Obama. So what can the neo-cons do? They always have the vice president, who is agitating for war with just about everybody. Turns out, though, that they have a secret weapon: John McCain.
As they lose favor in the late Bush presidency, the neo-cons have been drifting over to McCain, who seems to be running on a foreign policy that is more belligerent than that of the current Bush. Now they call Bush “accomodationist.” In fact, from the neo-con perspective, Bush and Obama are looking more and more like each other in foreign policy, and both are looking uncomfortably like Bush, Sr. Oddly, this common position is most likely quite popular in the nation, despite Bush’s 1992 electoral loss which was really about the economy.
The neo-cons have formed a tight circle around McCain, who seems to like their certainty about all those bad guys out there that we have to fight. Meanwhile, McCain’s chief adviser has also served as a paid lobbyist to Georgia, the independent former Soviet Republic that has been tweaking the Russian bear, perhaps with the encouragement of Cheney and McCain. McCain has built a personal friendship with the Georgian leader. Meanwhile, the other parts of the Bush team had been trying to rein in Georgia from doing precisely what it did.
When Russia invaded Georgia, the first impulse of the Bush administration was moderation. But the Republican base demanded action, and McCain is now conducting his own diplomatic mission to Georgia. The mainstream media, looking for a way back into the good graces of the neo-cons, is playing the story just like the early Iraq war. With pressure from McCain and the Republican base, the Bush administration is now becoming much more militant in confronting Russia.
If you want to keep a cool head throughout this stuff, you could do worse than to boil the whole thing down to the debate between Bush, Sr. and the neo-cons. If the USA is the world’s strongest power, should we use that power to wage war against just about everybody, or should be try to lead the world? Who exactly is going to fight these wars against an endless stream of adversaries? Should we believe what we are told by the same people who told us about the Iraq war?
If we decide to lead rather than rule, where shall we draw the line, e.g., with Russia? We obviously don’t want to see the Soviet Union reconstituted, so how shall we proceed? Is there a version of effective strength that is subtler and more effective than belligerence and bullying?
I hope before we get all whipped up into war hysteria once again that we debate the basic issue within the Republican party that got us here in the first place.
Posted by Raphael J. Sonenshein in 4 Comments — Leave your comment
7.31.08 at 1:05 pm | In response to the Britney/Paris ad, Obama made an oblique statement about how McCain wants people to be afraid of Obama because he’s not like those other presidents on our money. Right away the McCain campaign shot back that Obama is “playing the race card.” Gee, think they were ready with that no matter what Obama ... (8)
I believe that I voted for the best candidate - Hillary Clinton; and I will not give up on her - she has never given up on me or given up on millions of Americans across this country, the soldiers who fight and have fought for our country, citizens who have no voice and needed a champion to fight ...
By di54 on 2008 06 12
Neocons Shmeocons. Come up with an ideology and an agenda that can convince the grownups that you can do better. I double-dawg dare ya. If Obama wins the election, he will lose his lunch money and his bicycle in the first year and his popularity rating in the second year. The third and fourth ...
By Ben Plonie on 2008 08 18
The Hillary decline can be linked not to her “false hopes” comment but to the Obama campaign’s brilliant move to bring race into the debate to mobilize THEIR base. Read the smart analysis in The New Republic by Sean Wilentz, ...
By David on 2008 02 27
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July 31, 2008 | 1:05 pm

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July 30, 2008 | 2:56 pm

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July 23, 2008 | 9:40 pm

Be careful what you wish for. John McCain practically dared Barack Obama to go to Iraq, and he did, with a vengeance. He has been on a world tour, going to three key areas Iraq and Afghanistan, where US troops are fighting; to Europe, location of America’s principal allies; and the Middle East, where America has a fundamental commitment to Israel and to regional peace.
By most accounts, the trip has been a huge success. Obama has seemed presidential, and has been treated as a world leader in world capitals. Media coverage has been very positive and extensive, and he has not made any serious mistakes that could undermine his foreign policy credentials.
In particular, he seems to have navigated the Israel/Palestinian/Jordan scene successfully. Of all the American voters watching this trip, nobody is more attentive than Jewish voters. Obama made all the right visits, struck the right chords (no peace agreement just to have a peace of paper), and smartly met with the right-wing opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu as well as the current government. He pushed the envelope a bit by going to Ramallah.
The most significant portion of the trip was the interchange with Iraq’s leadership. When Maliki endorsed Obama’s plan for a timed withdrawal from Iraq it placed McCain in a dreadful position. It’s impossible to argue for staying longer than the Iraqis want us to stay, unless our presence is actually an occupation. Even worse for McCain, President Bush undercut him by moving toward Obama’s position, leaning toward a “time horizon” for withdrawal.
Now McCain, who has built his campaign on unwavering support for the Bush policy of an open-ended commitment in Iraq, finds himself to the right of both Bush and Obama. The lesson? Even a president of your own party will put his own legacy ahead of you, no matter how loyal you have been. The good news for Americans? We are probably closer to ending the war in Iraq today than we were a month ago.
This world tour reminds me of the bus tour that Bill Clinton and Al Gore, along with their wives, took right after the 1992 Democratic convention. A young, untested ticket running against an older Republican in a bad economic climate lit a spark by getting out into the streets of America. Obama’s world tour works in a different way, by potentially elevating his standing from the new young candidate to the potential commander-in-chief.
It probably won’t show up in the polls right away, but Obama may have helped close the “gravitas” gap with McCain. If he does, McCain’s position becomes serious. On domestic matters, it’s a Democratic wipeout. I’d watch Jewish voters very carefully in the next few weeks. They are “canaries in the mine” when it comes to Democrats and foreign policy. Convince Jews, and you’ll win the foreign policy argument with everybody else.
And no matter how great the trip, Obama is going to have to work right through to November to close that sale.
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July 14, 2008 | 12:45 pm

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July 3, 2008 | 11:39 am

As John McCain finishes his tour of Colombia and Mexico, Barack Obama is making plans for a trip to Israel, Iraq, France, England, and Jordan. Smart for Obama, not so smart for McCain.
Obama needs to be seen as credible on the world stage, and McCain needs to be seen as somebody who knows the price of gas in Toledo.
Republicans are quite worried about Obama’s upcoming trip, and have been telling reporters that they are not very happy about McCain’s. McCain had already been to the countries Obama will visit, and this was a more modest one. Nothing particularly bad happened on McCain’s foreign tour, and there was even some good news when the government of Columbia managed to rescue some hostages with a quite brilliant intelligence coup. McCain was well treated by government leaders, which is not particularly surprising, but not particularly newsworthy either. When traveling abroad, McCain can hardly put distance between himself and the unpopular President Bush. Perhaps it was just that McCain is frustrated by the campaign and uninterested in domestic issues, and hoping that foreign policy expertise will be the entire ball of wax for the election. McCain is acting like a president near the end of his term, going abroad because it’s more comfortable than getting darts thrown at you at home.
When asked about the trip, his campaign aide said it had been McCain’s idea and “the campaign was fine with it.” In my experience, that’s a new one.
Meanwhile, Obama is laying plans for his grand tour. Unlike McCain, he is likely to get a big popular reception overseas. His every utterance, though, will be watched closely to see if he makes a mistake. Jewish voters will be very interested to see how it works out in Israel.
In any case, Obama can use a change in the story line right now. His switch on the FISA vote from opposition to support was a real disappointment to many of his most devoted supporters. His initial reaction to the Wes Clark dustup with John McCain, rejecting Clark’s comments, seemed wimpy to many Democrats. There is a worry in the party that he may be “playing not to lose” with excessive caution rather than “playing to win” and being more aggressive.
On the domestic side, though, Obama’s travels to red states are perking up Democrats, especially in those states. He visited North Dakota and Montana, buoyed by a poll in the latter red state showing him leading McCain. Meanwhile, McCain is visiting states to raise money (New York, California, etc) but not places where he is likely to win. So even on the domestic travel front, Obama is besting McCain.
Where McCain is hurting Obama is in the daily back-and-forth of the campaign. So far, this is turning out to be one of Obama’s weaknesses, and McCain’s strength. The years that McCain invested in winning the favor of political reporters (the barbeques, the intimate chats on the bus, the cultivation of their friendship) has paid off handsomely.
In addition to being a big referendum, a campaign is also the sum total of a bunch of days that each candidate tries to win. The McCain people are being out-spent and out-organized. But they are out-messaging Obama. Obama’s team is unaccountably on the defensive, looking to fight back against charges instead of pressing their advantage. Republicans are jumping on every Obama mistake, and even creating ones that don’t exist (such as the mythical special deal Obama did not actually receive on his home loan).
Meanwhile, the Obama people are spending precious little time making McCain pay for his mistakes or inconsistencies. If they’re not careful, they will find themselves in the position of all candidates who try to run out the clock and to rely on organization and money instead of message.
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June 27, 2008 | 3:19 pm

“After years of disclosures by government investigations, media accounts, and reports from human rights organizations, there is no longer any doubt as to whether the current administration has committed war crimes. The only question that remains to be answered is whether those who ordered the use of torture will be held to account.”
These chilling words, written by retired General Antonio Taguba, who had conducted the first official investigation of the Abu Ghraib scandal, were placed before the American people on June 18. The story of torture as US government policy is one of the most shameful episodes in American history, but it is likely to disappear in the heat of the presidential election campaign.
Neither party wants to talk about torture. Republicans have begun to understand that they face profound moral and legal problems from countenancing torture. Democrats are scared of appearing weak on terror. (I expect a nice run of comments below suggesting that by renouncing torture as government policy I am “doing Hizbollah’s work.”)
A murky history serves all purposes.
But of course we always knew. We knew in the way that we know something without quite acknowledging it to ourselves.
The government and the media protected our sensitivities by softening the words. But we could sense through the foggy language – “enhanced or harsh interrogation techniques” “prisoner abuse” – that the reality was torture. Even when it was revealed this year that a committee of top Bush administration officials went to Guantanamo to supervise torture, and when the president acknowledged that he knew of and approved of this committee’s work, we were still told by the president a few days later that it was all the responsibility of a few errant soldiers.
Spokespersons muddied the debate with fictional “doomsday scenarios” in which heroic interrogators, 24-like, drew critical information from monstrous terrorists. We were told that plots had been broken up, even when the evidence of these plots evaporated upon close inspection. This week, we heard the arrogant testimony of Vice President Cheney’s “legal” advisor, David Addington, and the author of the torture memo, John Yoo, smirking in front of a House committee. It was hard to watch Yoo refusing to say that the president lacks the authority to bury a person alive or to torture a child in front of a suspect’s parent. It was clear that neither was much afraid of being held to account, especially by Congress.
Finally, though, we have to ask: who are these people? How did a small band of fanatics get themselves into position to so pervert America’s ideals? How did they run roughshod over the protests of those in the military and law enforcement communities who protested, much more than Congress did? Do these people bear some responsibility for their actions for which they should be held to account? Do we?
There is something about torture that is profoundly hostile to Jewish tradition. To me, torture has always gone hand in hand with superstition, the Dark Ages, ignorance, absolute authority, terror, and intolerance. I see the rack, straining horses, and the other tools of official torture. I always associate torture with the Inquisition, which in the old phrase, was not good for the Jews.
It was the Enlightenment, the rise of reason and the belief in constitutional authority that created a more tolerant atmosphere for Jews and for many others. Torture is incompatible with that tradition.
No nation more deeply absorbed the Enlightenment than America. It is in our Constitution, with its protections for liberties and our separation of powers. The 8th amendment enshrines it. It is in the tradition started by George Washington in the Revolution, who ordered that even though the British had badly mistreated American prisoners, all British prisoners were to be treated justly. I don’t remember anybody calling George weak on terror, even against the British who would have hanged him had they caught him. No people committed graver sins against humanity than the Germans in World War II, but the USA treated German soldiers with the greatest of humanity.
How did our definition of strength so deteriorate from Washington and Roosevelt to the Bush crowd? How did humane treatment by the powerful come to be seen as weak, and bullying those who are in our physical control come to be seen as strong?
We’ll find our way back because two centuries of tradition is much stronger than we imagine. But let’s begin with a real word, and give up the comforting euphemisms. The word is torture.
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June 19, 2008 | 10:45 am
It looks like Congressional Democrats are going to cave in to the Bush administration, this time on telecom immunity for illegal surveillance of Americans. Maybe public opposition will stop the roll over. Maybe this is a drama that will end better than it is going right now. But I wouldn’t bank on it.
You may recall that we found out a few years ago that several telecom companies had agreed to help the administration illegally wiretap Americans. Numerous lawsuits have been filed to hold them accountable.
The telecoms, big campaign donors, joined with the administration to try to bully Congress into granting them retroactive immunity for actions that they have never fully disclosed. And media reports now suggest that the Democratic leadership in the House and Senate are going to pass the bill the White House wants. It will have a fig leaf to hide how pathetic the Congressional resistance was. If the companies can show a written document that the president or his representatives said it was all legal, then the lawsuits will be dismissed. I can’t wait until another illegal action by somebody else is justified by such a letter.
It is not impossible that the media reports themselves are part of a White House strategy to build momentum for a legislative victory. But I am not optimistic.
It was embarrassing watching the Lakers roll over for the Celtics in Game 6 of the NBA finals. But at least the Celtics were a much better team. I think one needs to explore the outer realms of psychology to understand how, in an election year that greatly favors the Democrats, with Republicans demoralized, the Democratic party would give in to a president whose latest approval rating is 24%. All I can imagine is that this party has been beaten down so much on national security for so many years, that they simply have lost the capacity to resist. I would also not underestimate the impact of telecom campaign donations.
If anybody on Capital Hill were watching the presidential race, they might notice that John McCain is closely tied to the telecoms, and that Barack Obama opposes this deal. By caving in now, they are doing McCain’s work for him, taking a potentially embarrassing issue off the election table.
It’s particularly disheartening that in a week that saw clear evidence that the administration guided and inspired the program of torture that may well constitute war crimes, the Democrats in Congress may see fit to cave in. I wonder how the White House will see this. Democrats love to imagine that Republicans will not attack them on national security if only they get everything they want. More likely, the White House will feel contemptuous and even more emboldened to do whatever it wants in its waning days.
The thing about courage is that it has great consequences all over the map. Obama is attacking McCain on terrorism and war issues, rather than quivering in fear of Republican attacks. If Congress has any hope of keeping the White House from using its final days for dangerous excursions into the further reaches of global warfare, a little courage would go a long way.
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