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"We talk a lot about the symptoms for this phenomenon but not enough about the causes of violence," said Gideon Fishman, head of Haifa University's Minerva Center for the Study of Youth. "If we do not explore the causes, nothing will help -- neither more policemen nor more punitive measures."
A year after Yasser Arafat's death, Palestinians are developing a new myth around their historic leader: Arafat did not die from natural causes but was murdered, most likely by Israel.
Now an Israeli Arab politician has joined the conspiracy bandwagon.
A small group of American Jewish leaders that came to Israel recently is determined to put the issue of Israel's Arab minority higher on the American Jewish agenda.
The Tabach family left the settlement of Gadid last week, ahead of the Israeli withdrawal. Settlers who hadn't evacuated as of Monday were given 48-hours notice to leave, on threat of eviction.
On the eve of elections, scheduled to begin May 29, Hezbollah is trying to retain its pose as the ultimate guardian of Lebanese interests vis-á-vis Israel, stoking a flare-up along the border with Israel last week.
As Syria formally pulled its troops out of Lebanon last month, the Lebanese and the Syrian chiefs of staffs gave speeches to mark the occasion. The words they used were flowery, but their faces were grim.
Hamas, the Muslim fundamentalist movement and Palestinian terrorist organization, may soon become a decisive force not only in the struggle against Israel but in the Palestinian political establishment.
Four months after he was elected president of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas is fighting for his political life -- and possibly for the survival of the peace process.
Syrian President Bashar Assad is confused and worried. The heat is on, and it's not clear he can take it.
Israel points a menacing finger at Syria for hosting terrorists, accusing it of enabling last Friday's deadly terrorist attack in Tel Aviv, which has been blamed on the Damascus-based Islamic Jihad.
Assad has said he wants to renew peace talks with Israel, but at the same time he wants to please his backyard radicals. In addition, anti-Syrian sentiment in Lebanon is sizzling; the United States and France are pressing Syria to withdraw from Lebanon; the United States is growing impatient with Syria's tolerance of Palestinian and Iraqi terrorists; Assad wants to appease the United States without losing his face with Arab hardliners; and Syria's longtime ally, Egypt, is toying with "democracy," while Assad's own internal reforms are stuck.
So which way can he go?
Syrian President Bashar Assad is confused and worried. The heat is on, and it's not clear he can take it.
Israel points a menacing finger at Syria for hosting terrorists, accusing it of enabling last Friday's deadly terrorist attack in Tel Aviv, which has been blamed on the Damascus-based Islamic Jihad.
Assad has said he wants to renew peace talks with Israel, but at the same time he wants to please his backyard radicals. In addition, anti-Syrian sentiment in Lebanon is sizzling; the United States and France are pressing Syria to withdraw from Lebanon; the United States is growing impatient with Syria's tolerance of Palestinian and Iraqi terrorists; Assad wants to appease the United States without losing his face with Arab hardliners; and Syria's longtime ally, Egypt, is toying with "democracy," while Assad's own internal reforms are stuck.
So which way can he go?
Never before had the small church in the Galilee village of Mughar held so many important visitors as it did recently. Even the Vatican's representative in Israel, Monsignor Pietro Sambi, was there.
Ten years ago this week, in the midst of a desert storm in the Arava Valley, the late King Hussein of Jordan and the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel signed a peace accord ushering in an era of hope that relations between the neighbors would become a model for a new Middle East.
Four years ago this week, all hell broke loose in Israel.
On the eve of the Jewish New Year, Israel's national discourse was dominated by talk of potential civil war, but few of those talking dared define the possible dimensions of such a conflict.
Would it mean confrontations between soldiers and civilians? Would it be limited to the extreme margins of the settler movement? Could it really present a threat to the very existence of the State of Israel, as Knesset member Yossi Sarid suggested?
Sharon hopes to create sufficient motivation among settlers to evacuate their homes willingly in exchange for generous compensation packages, avoiding violent confrontations like those in Yamit.
When Israeli authorities chose to put Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti on trial in a criminal court, rather than a military court, prosecutors may have set the stage for an even bigger prize: Yasser Arafat.
That possibility was given a boost last week with Barghouti's conviction on five counts of murder for Israelis killed in three separate shooting ambushes conducted by the Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade in 2001 and 2002.
As a journalist, I met Sheik Ahmed Yassin twice during my visits to the Gaza Strip. The first time was when I attended a military court hearing in 1984, when Yassin was sentenced to 13 years in prison for anti-Israel activities.
Only a year later Yassin was released in a prisoner-exchange deal, and a few years after that I visited him at his home in Gaza.
On both occasions I was left with the impression that this seemingly vulnerable quadriplegic was as strong as a rock, outwardly unmoved by the course of events.
Ten years ago, if the Palestinians had been told that Ariel Sharon, father of the Israeli settlement movement, would be offering a near-complete withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, most probably would have rejoiced at the prospect.
However, when the Israeli prime minister dropped that political bombshell last week by signaling that he intended to uproot almost every Israeli settlement in the Gaza Strip -- something the Arabs have demanded for years -- Palestinians greeted the announcement with a mixture of caution and skepticism.
Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Ahmed Qurei welcomed the idea, saying, "In our view, every evacuation of a settlement is welcome."
Israel is skeptical about the Palestinian Authority's tentative measures against terrorism -- and is following up by conducting anti-terror operations of its own.
Apparently dressed as an Orthodox Jew, the terrorist shoved his way among the many passengers -- mostly ultra-Orthodox families returning from the Western Wall -- to the center of the elongated bus, where he detonated the bomb he was carrying.
The suicide bombings that hit Israel this week shattered the relative calm that had taken hold in Israel and the West Bank this summer. How they will affect the cease-fire declared by Palestinian terrorist groups and implementation of the "road map" peace plan is anybody's guess.
Within a 48-hour span beginning March 17, 12 Israelis were murdered in three suicide attacks, and dozens were wounded. Terrorism was back on the scene, a sad reminder that its apparent absence in recent months was only an illusion born of the army's success in preventing attacks.
Nearly 30 political parties are vying in Israel's Jan. 28 general elections. According to the latest polls, about 15 parties stand a chance of getting at least 1.5 percent of the vote, the threshold for getting at least one of the Knesset's 120 seats.
The bombs that ripped through crowds of Israelis and foreign workers in Tel Aviv this weekend may have saved Yasser Arafat from making some tough decisions.
Internal and external pressures have been building on Arafat to allow comprehensive reforms of the Palestinian Authority -- reforms that effectively would undermine the PA president's grip on power.
But after Sunday's deadly attack by the Al-Aksa Brigade, a terrorist group from Arafat's own Fatah movement, Israel refused to allow Palestinian officials to attend a conference on PA reform in London or congregate in Ramallah to consider a draft of a Palestinian constitution.
Israeli Foreign Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Monday that there is no need for Palestinian officials to travel abroad to conferences when they have the power at home to end terrorist attacks, but don't use it.
Unintentionally, however, the Israeli moves may have allowed Arafat to dodge a political bullet, at least temporarily.
Sometimes, they say, hope shines brightest in the darkest hours.
Those inclined to look on the bright side might say that Israeli-Palestinian cooperation is alive and kicking: Israelis and Palestinians allegedly joined ranks to make big money, until one of them woke up with a bad conscience.
The joint venture in question began in February 1997, when Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat transferred official Palestinian Authority funds from the Arab Bank in Ramallah to private accounts in Swiss banks. The money was Palestinian, mostly customs and levies on products imported into the Palestinian Authority via Israel.
This latest confrontation could lead the Palestinian society to a fitna (Arabic for civil war).
Since the intifada began two years ago, Jerusalem Mayor Ehud Olmert had boasted that Arab residents of eastern Jerusalem had opted to stay out of the violence for fear of losing Israeli social service benefits.
"We will never go hungry," Ahmad Zughayer boasted as a truck from the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) unloaded sacks of flour, sugar, oil, rice and milk powder in the Balata refugee camp near Nablus.
Palestinian Chairman Yasser Arafat chose to view President George W. Bush's speech in the most positive light, rejecting the call for his ouster and focussing instead on the promise for a state.
Life seems to be returning to normal in Ramallah -- but beneath the surface, Palestinians are questioning their regime in unprecedented ways.
These battleground spoils cannot explode or kill, but Israel considers them important benefits of its military operation in the West Bank: Thousands of documents, pamphlets and posters that provide written evidence of the Palestinian Authority's massive involvement in terrorism. The documents were captured at places like Yasser Arafat's headquarters in Ramallah and other P.A. offices, offices of the P.A.'s Preventive Security Service and Arafat's Tanzim militia, Palestinian organizations throughout the West Bank and the Palestinian Liberation Organization's (PLO) Jerusalem headquarters at Orient House.
Suppose for a second that Israel strikes a cease-fire deal with Yasser Arafat. Would the Palestinian Authority president be able to deliver? Arafat himself may not know for sure, as the extent of control he retains over the many military factions he has created or allowed to flourish in his territory is unclear.
In Israel, there is nothing like an attempt at national unity to stir up a national controversy. The latest such controversy is a 10-article document called "The Kinneret Covenant," designed to find common denominators among different segments in Israeli society -- religious and secular Jews, Sephardic and Ashkenazic Israelis, right and left.
Iran has again surfaced on Israeli radar screens as a strategic threat to the Jewish state.
The flimsiest of cease-fires continued in name only last week, as Israelis absorbed two brutal terror attacks and struck back at the Palestinians Authority.
Israel has not been a prime target on Saudi billionaire Osama bin Laden's terrorist agenda, but Israeli officials worry that could soon change.
Israeli officials once again are debating whether Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat is losing control over his own people.
Israeli security sources are warily considering the possibility that Hezbollah militants in Lebanon will expand their operations into Israel.
For the first time in the history of the state, Arabs in Israel stood up for a moment of silence -- commemorating Al Nakba -- Arabic for "the catastrophe," which is what Palestinians call the 1948 creation of the State of Israel.
Israel doesn't understand the Palestinians, lamented a former official who has spent years trying to do so, and this is why Israel doesn't know how to deal with them.
The speaker was Ami Ayalon, until recently the head of the Shin Bet security service, which fights an ongoing war against Palestinian terrorism.
As the United States and other Western powers try to reduce Israeli-Palestinian tensions, Iran moved this week to fan the flames.
Only in Israel would a government minister refrain from singing the national anthem.
As the violence in the West Bank and Gaza Strip enters its second month, there is a growing fear that it will escalate and embroil the entire region.
In less than a week, whatever was left of the mutual trust between Israelis and Palestinians appeared to come tumbling down.
The catalyst for a spate of violence here may have been an Israeli politician's visit to a Muslim and Jewish holy site, but Israeli officials are holding Palestinian leaders directly responsible for the bloodshed.At least 55 people were killed, mostly Palestinians, in rioting that touched off Sept. 28 when Likud Party leader Ariel Sharon visited the Temple Mount in Jerusalem.
Yehuda Amichai, a world-renowned poet and one of Israel's most famous writers, has died of cancer at the age of 76.
As their leaders are talking peace, many Israelis and Palestinians are preparing for war.They include not only militant Jewish settlers and members of the fundamentalist Palestinian Hamas movement, but also the Israeli army and the troops of Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat's Fatah group.
Six years after the historic Rabin-Arafat handshake on the White House lawn, the Palestinians can point to a mixed bag of results from the Oslo peace process.
A middle-aged man climbed up to the cabin of a crane and drew the operator's attention to a small suitcase on top of a pile of rubble left by last month's killer earthquake in Turkey.
Never in his wildest dreams did Astrid Kuci believe that he would fall in love with Israel. In fact, he hardly knew anything about Israel.
Israelis are divided over NATO's military campaign against Serbia -- and opinions and policy are being informed as much by history and the Holocaust as by current political realities.
What does it mean to be your brother's keeper? Lessons from the Cleveland kidnappings